Parties . . .

(from How The Hell Did This  Happen?  The Election of 2016 by P.J. O'Rourke)

". . . The reason that American political parties have no constitutional standing is that the framers of the Constitution hoped America would have no political parties. . . In Federalist Paper No. 9 Alexander Hamilton declares "domestic faction" to be "the cause of incurable disorder and imbecility in the government." . . . In Federalist Paper No. 10 James Madison inveighs against "the violence of faction," calls it a "dangerous vice," and warns that "the public good is disregarded in the conflictd of rival parties.". . . Madison . . . describes, with eerie prescience, our Democratic and Republican presidential primaries and caucuses 228 years in the future: "So strong is the propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities that where no substantial occasion presents itself the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts". . . "

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Interests . . .

(from James Madison:  A Biography by Ralph Ketcham)
". . . Madison hoped further that the interests of the slaves might receive a little protection, sometimes by eastern members anxious to protect them as property, and sometimes by western members sympathizing with them against the oppressive designs of their masters. Madison concluded with a pleas for "the spirit of compromise" that found him, consciously and almost word for word, re-enacting the role played by the aged Franklin at the close of the 1787 Federal Convention.  He asked his fellow delegates not to despair, "notwithstanding all the threatening appearances we have passed through," but instead to "agree on some common ground, all sides realizing in their opinions, not changing, but mutually surrendering a part of them.". . . "

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Some Things . . .

. . . never change . . .


(from James Madison; A Biography by Ralph Ketcham) as Alexander Hamilton, the Secretary of Treasury promotes his plan for a national debt. . .

". . . Hamilton's candid admission that he intended the concentration in order to bring to the federal government a self-interested support he thought is desperately needed to become an effective means of government only increased Madison's apprehensions. Though the secretary expressed regret at the misfortunes of those whose interests suffered under his plans, he saw them as a small price to pay for the vital strengthening of the Union he thought made them necessary. As Madison observed the Hamiltonian "phalanx" in Congress, the eager support given the program in New York financial circles, the often arrogant comments by men of wealth about their superior capacity to lead and govern the country, and the tendency of backers of the secretary's report to exalt the executive over the legislative department, his concern for the survival of republican principles grew rapidly. Jefferson's famous charges, made in old age, that "Hamilton's financial system . . . had two objects; 1st, as a puzzle, to exclude popular understanding and inquiry; 2nd, as a machine for the corruption of the legislature," and that "men thus enriched by the dexterity of a leader [Hamilton], would follow of course the chief who was leading them to fortune. . . "

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